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Reading Comprehension Test Questions

Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below them. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Indian roads are usually characterized by poor infrastructure and congestion which affect travel time and road safety. This is a big hindrance in economic development and leads to inefficiency in the transportation of goods and services across the country. To address this, the government has embarked upon a massive overhaul of the country’s road network through Bharatmala Pariyojana - an umbrella highway development programme involving 34,800 km of road network at an investment of Rs. 5.35 trillion, to be completed by 2022. The programme focuses on optimizing the efficiency of road traffic movement across the country by bridging critical infrastructure gaps through shorter routes. The end goal is to create economic corridors (ECs) along the path - new industries, more employment and new markets.

The programme, however, will have a negative bearing on the existing road network because it will compete directly with some of the existing build-operate-transfer (BOT) toll road projects. Out of the 44 ECs, about 21 would partially or fully affect the existing alignments, while the remaining 23 that involve upgradation of existing alignment will not result in any deviation. Among the 21 corridors affected, eight have a totally different route (which is shorter) while the remaining 13 have some deviations from the existing alignment. Overall, there are 24 BOT projects and one operate-maintain-transfer (OMT) project whose traffic could be affected by the proposed ECs. The Bharatmala programme may result in traffic diversion from the existing road network to new roads, thereby affecting the toll collection and, consequently, the debt servicing ability of some of the BOT and OMT projects. This has raised the risk of default on 25 national highway toll projects which involve Rs. 19,435 crore of debt. The risk of such loan defaults will add to banks’ and financial lenders’ stressed assets and non-performing assets. In terms of risk, 12% of the projects have a high risk of leakage in traffic, if a completely alternative route is available, 16% of the projects have moderate risks, and 72%, low risks. To arrive at the debt at risk, the debt outstanding for each of these special purpose vehicles (SPVs), their repayment tenure, concession end date, credit profile of the SPV and its sponsor credit risk profile, are considered. Out of the total debt at risk for the 25 affected projects about Rs. 6,536 crore, which accounts for about 34% of the total debt at risk, is high-risk. Projects with debt at a moderate risk have an aggregate debt of Rs. 3,483 crore, while about Rs. 9,416 crore of debt is considered to be low-risk.

To ensure that the existing BOT projects that are at risk of default do not turn bad for the financial institutions, swift and adequate measures are needed. The Kelkar committee had observed that since infrastructure projects span over 20-30 years, a private developer may lose bargaining power owing to abrupt changes in the economic or policy environment. It has thus recommended that the private sector must be protected against such loss. This could be ensured by allowing renegotiation of the terms of the concession agreement.

Financial institutions are already reluctant to finance the infrastructure sector, given the rise in non-performing assets (NPAs). Add to this the probable difficulties that would arise in the case of 25 BOT projects, which would put additional stress on the road infrastructure exposure. The need of the hour is to realign the terms and conditions of the model concession agreement to ensure that banks do not end up accumulating NPAs.Having an appropriate remedial mechanism for BOT operators will help retain interest for investments in new projects; for the lenders, it will help curtail the number of stressed assets from the risk of default.

Refer the above for the Questions 61 to 60
61. The total debt at risk is




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Rs. 19,435 crore
Explanation:
By referring the second paragraph 'This has raised the risk of default on 25 national highway toll projects which involve Rs. 19,435 crore of debt.'
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below them. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Indian roads are usually characterized by poor infrastructure and congestion which affect travel time and road safety. This is a big hindrance in economic development and leads to inefficiency in the transportation of goods and services across the country. To address this, the government has embarked upon a massive overhaul of the country’s road network through Bharatmala Pariyojana - an umbrella highway development programme involving 34,800 km of road network at an investment of Rs. 5.35 trillion, to be completed by 2022. The programme focuses on optimizing the efficiency of road traffic movement across the country by bridging critical infrastructure gaps through shorter routes. The end goal is to create economic corridors (ECs) along the path - new industries, more employment and new markets.

The programme, however, will have a negative bearing on the existing road network because it will compete directly with some of the existing build-operate-transfer (BOT) toll road projects. Out of the 44 ECs, about 21 would partially or fully affect the existing alignments, while the remaining 23 that involve upgradation of existing alignment will not result in any deviation. Among the 21 corridors affected, eight have a totally different route (which is shorter) while the remaining 13 have some deviations from the existing alignment. Overall, there are 24 BOT projects and one operate-maintain-transfer (OMT) project whose traffic could be affected by the proposed ECs. The Bharatmala programme may result in traffic diversion from the existing road network to new roads, thereby affecting the toll collection and, consequently, the debt servicing ability of some of the BOT and OMT projects. This has raised the risk of default on 25 national highway toll projects which involve Rs. 19,435 crore of debt. The risk of such loan defaults will add to banks’ and financial lenders’ stressed assets and non-performing assets. In terms of risk, 12% of the projects have a high risk of leakage in traffic, if a completely alternative route is available, 16% of the projects have moderate risks, and 72%, low risks. To arrive at the debt at risk, the debt outstanding for each of these special purpose vehicles (SPVs), their repayment tenure, concession end date, credit profile of the SPV and its sponsor credit risk profile, are considered. Out of the total debt at risk for the 25 affected projects about Rs. 6,536 crore, which accounts for about 34% of the total debt at risk, is high-risk. Projects with debt at a moderate risk have an aggregate debt of Rs. 3,483 crore, while about Rs. 9,416 crore of debt is considered to be low-risk.

To ensure that the existing BOT projects that are at risk of default do not turn bad for the financial institutions, swift and adequate measures are needed. The Kelkar committee had observed that since infrastructure projects span over 20-30 years, a private developer may lose bargaining power owing to abrupt changes in the economic or policy environment. It has thus recommended that the private sector must be protected against such loss. This could be ensured by allowing renegotiation of the terms of the concession agreement.

Financial institutions are already reluctant to finance the infrastructure sector, given the rise in non-performing assets (NPAs). Add to this the probable difficulties that would arise in the case of 25 BOT projects, which would put additional stress on the road infrastructure exposure. The need of the hour is to realign the terms and conditions of the model concession agreement to ensure that banks do not end up accumulating NPAs.Having an appropriate remedial mechanism for BOT operators will help retain interest for investments in new projects; for the lenders, it will help curtail the number of stressed assets from the risk of default.

Refer the above for the Questions 62 to 61
62. According to the passage, what worries BOT operators?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Both (a) and (b)
Explanation:
By referring the second paragraph, 'The Bharatmala programme may result in traffic diversion from the existing road network to new roads, thereby affecting the toll collection and, consequently, the debt servicing ability of some of the BOT and OMT projects. This has raised the risk of default on 25 national highway toll projects which involve Rs. 19,435 crore of debt. The risk of such loan defaults will add to banks’ and financial lenders’ stressed assets and non-performing assets.'
Hence, both (a) and (b) are correct.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below them. Certain words/phrases have been printed in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Indian roads are usually characterized by poor infrastructure and congestion which affect travel time and road safety. This is a big hindrance in economic development and leads to inefficiency in the transportation of goods and services across the country. To address this, the government has embarked upon a massive overhaul of the country’s road network through Bharatmala Pariyojana - an umbrella highway development programme involving 34,800 km of road network at an investment of Rs. 5.35 trillion, to be completed by 2022. The programme focuses on optimizing the efficiency of road traffic movement across the country by bridging critical infrastructure gaps through shorter routes. The end goal is to create economic corridors (ECs) along the path - new industries, more employment and new markets.

The programme, however, will have a negative bearing on the existing road network because it will compete directly with some of the existing build-operate-transfer (BOT) toll road projects. Out of the 44 ECs, about 21 would partially or fully affect the existing alignments, while the remaining 23 that involve upgradation of existing alignment will not result in any deviation. Among the 21 corridors affected, eight have a totally different route (which is shorter) while the remaining 13 have some deviations from the existing alignment. Overall, there are 24 BOT projects and one operate-maintain-transfer (OMT) project whose traffic could be affected by the proposed ECs. The Bharatmala programme may result in traffic diversion from the existing road network to new roads, thereby affecting the toll collection and, consequently, the debt servicing ability of some of the BOT and OMT projects. This has raised the risk of default on 25 national highway toll projects which involve Rs. 19,435 crore of debt. The risk of such loan defaults will add to banks’ and financial lenders’ stressed assets and non-performing assets. In terms of risk, 12% of the projects have a high risk of leakage in traffic, if a completely alternative route is available, 16% of the projects have moderate risks, and 72%, low risks. To arrive at the debt at risk, the debt outstanding for each of these special purpose vehicles (SPVs), their repayment tenure, concession end date, credit profile of the SPV and its sponsor credit risk profile, are considered. Out of the total debt at risk for the 25 affected projects about Rs. 6,536 crore, which accounts for about 34% of the total debt at risk, is high-risk. Projects with debt at a moderate risk have an aggregate debt of Rs. 3,483 crore, while about Rs. 9,416 crore of debt is considered to be low-risk.

To ensure that the existing BOT projects that are at risk of default do not turn bad for the financial institutions, swift and adequate measures are needed. The Kelkar committee had observed that since infrastructure projects span over 20-30 years, a private developer may lose bargaining power owing to abrupt changes in the economic or policy environment. It has thus recommended that the private sector must be protected against such loss. This could be ensured by allowing renegotiation of the terms of the concession agreement.

Financial institutions are already reluctant to finance the infrastructure sector, given the rise in non-performing assets (NPAs). Add to this the probable difficulties that would arise in the case of 25 BOT projects, which would put additional stress on the road infrastructure exposure. The need of the hour is to realign the terms and conditions of the model concession agreement to ensure that banks do not end up accumulating NPAs.Having an appropriate remedial mechanism for BOT operators will help retain interest for investments in new projects; for the lenders, it will help curtail the number of stressed assets from the risk of default.

Refer the above for the Questions 63 to 62
63. According to the passage, Bharatmala Project aims to
(I) impact industrial development positively
(II) create employment and develop new markets
(III) improve the political status of the country.




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Only (I) and (II)
Explanation:
By referring the first paragraph, 'The programme focuses on optimizing the efficiency of road traffic movement across the country by bridging critical infrastructure gaps through shorter routes. The end goal is to create economic corridors (ECs) along the path - new industries, more employment and new markets.'
Hence, Only I and II are correct.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 64 to 63
64. Choose the word which is most nearly the OPPOSITE in meaning to the word 'cosmopolitan' printed in bold as used in the passage.




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Provincial
Explanation:
Cosmopolitan - Familiar with and at ease in many different countries and cultures.
Hence it has opposite meaning as that to Provincial.
Provincial- of or concerning a province of a country or empire.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 65 to 64
65. Choose the word which is most nearly the SIMILAR in meaning to the word 'irksome' printed in bold as used in the passage.




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Irritating
Explanation:
Irksome- irritating; annoying.
Hence, irritating is the correct answer.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 66 to 65
66. In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face.' In the given sentence what does the bold part implies?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:A situation or event which is much less impressive than expected
Explanation:
Damp squib - A situation or event which is much less impressive than expected.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 67 to 66
67. How 'proto-global' languages like Sanskrit, Latin and Persian plays an important role among the peoples of different regions?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:They enable the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas.
Explanation:
By refering the fouth paragraph, 'These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas.'.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 68 to 67
68. Why has the author called English as an advantageous disease?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Both (a) and (b)
Explanation:
By refering third paragraph, 'If English is a ‘disease’ left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.'.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 69 to 68
69. On the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi how Mr. Naidu's speech by many critics was given a name of a question of Hindi triumphalism?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:He was misinterpreted for not having any other Indian language in mind while espousing the cause of Hindi as a national language.
Explanation:
By refering first paragraph, 'Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism.'.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 70 to 69
70. According to the author, where ministers and linguistic rivals go wrong when it comes to take a call between English and their mother tongue?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Where ministers and many others go wrong is by turning this call as, either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages.
Explanation:
By refering the third paragraph, 'There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either - or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages'.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

In India, English is like one of those damp squib crackers that tend to explode in your face. Sometimes, the faces are literary, as in the exchange between Salman Rushdie and the renowned Marathi writer, Bhalchandra Nemade, in 2015. More often, the faces are political, such as that of Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, who was recently in the news for castigating English as a 'disease' left behind by the British. Actually, Mr. Naidu was misrepresented by many. Even though he was speaking on the occasion of Hindi Divas at Vigyan Bhawan in New Delhi and he espoused the cause of Hindi as a national language, he had in mind other Indian languages too. Mr. Naidu reportedly said that 'all Indian languages' are 'vibrant' and there are many other Indian languages which 'are older and more vibrant than Hindi'. So, it was not, as his critics made it sound, a question of Hindi triumphalism. He was talking of Indian mother tongues in general, and excluding English from that category. To an extent, he had a point, though one can object that English is the mother tongue of at least some Anglo-Indians all over the country, and probably some other Indians in the far eastern States. Still, the fact remains that English is rarely a mother tongue in India, though it is often a first language.

For instance, it is definitely not my mother tongue, though my mother can speak it with some effort. However, it is by far my first language - partly because I studied all my school subjects, except Hindi and Sanskrit, in English, and partly because the petty political squabbles between Hindi and Urdu left me alienated from both. Apart from, perhaps, the question of aptitude. Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.

Though many cosmopolitan critics took umbrage at Mr. Naidu's dismissal of English, I agree with his call to pay more attention to our mother tongues such as Tamil, Bangla, Hindi and Marathi, spoken by millions. There is nothing wrong about such a call. Where Mr. Naidu, and many others, go wrong is by turning this call into an 'either-or' issue - either we pay attention to English or we pay attention to other Indian languages. This is not how the matter should stand. If English is a 'disease' left behind by the British, then it is an advantageous disease: it has enabled the educated Indian middle class to be internationally competitive without any extra effort by the Indian government. In the pure sciences, medicine, engineering, literature, history, and so on, the easy access that a few million privileged Indians have to English texts has been converted into useful capital.

The Chinese have realised a basic fact. There is always a first language of specialised communication. In the ancient Indian past, it was Sanskrit, though other languages - often referred to as Prakrit - were spoken by the masses. In medieval Europe, it was Latin; in much of medieval Asia, it was Persian. These 'proto-global' languages did not lead to the death of other languages. Instead, they enabled the exchange of knowledge, thought, ideas. Today English is the global language, for better and for worse, and the British inadvertently gave Indians an edge here. Unfortunately, we are more busy diagnosing the diseases of the past than taking advantage of their after-effects in the present. Not just the Chinese, but various other peoples are catching up, even as we Indians consciously weaken our head start in English. In Denmark, for instance, English is compulsory from the primary classes onwards, and Denmark is an affluent, one-language country that can easily afford translations in Danish. This is the case in most of Europe, even in countries with strong linguistic nationalisms. Some educationists in Europe even argue that learning English will soon not give you an advantage, as every educated world citizen will be reasonably fluent in it. They propose that ambitious schools should teach other major languages - Arabic, Spanish, French, Hindi, Chinese - along with English, and, of course, the national or regional language. As I said, this is not an 'either-or' matter. English needs to be used along with other Indian languages, and vice versa. We will deprive only ourselves if we turn it into an 'either-or' issue.

Refer the above for the Questions 71 to 70
71. According to the passage how has English become neutralizing and nationally cohesive force that exerts on linguistic rivalries within India?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Both (b) and (c)
Explanation:
By refering second paragraph, 'Incidentally, moving from the personal to the public, critics of English overlook the neutralising and nationally cohesive force that English exerts on linguistic rivalries within India - enabling equivalent commerce between, say, educated Tamil, Hindi and Bangla speakers without their having to face a potentially irksome Hindi monopoly in U.P., Tamil monopoly in Tamil Nadu, or Bangla monopoly in West Bengal. Take English out of that matrix and we will be faced with more divisive linguistic politics in the States.'.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 72 to 71
72. Find out the word from the given option which is opposite in meaning to the word given in bold in the passage.
Feasible




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Impractical
Explanation:
Feasible - possible to do easily or conveniently.
Hence it has opposite meaning as that to Impractical.
Impractical - not adapted for use or action; not sensible or realistic.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 73 to 72
73. Find out the word from the given option which is opposite in meaning to the word given in bold in the passage.
Dispelled




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Congregate
Explanation:
Dispelled - made to disappear.
Hence it has opposite meaning as that to Congregate.
Congregate - assemble, gather.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 74 to 73
74. Find out the word from the given option which is similar in meaning to the word given in bold in the passage.
Discourse




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Dialogue
Explanation:
Discourse - discussion, conversation.
Hence it has similar meaning as that to Dialogue.
Dialogue - a conversation between two or more people as a feature of a book, play, or film.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 75 to 74
75. Find out the word from the given option which is similar in meaning to the word given in bold in the passage.
Boom




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Roar
Explanation:
Boom - an uproar.
Hence it has similar meaning as that to Roar.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 76 to 75
76. Find out the word from the given option which is similar in meaning to the word given in bold in the passage.
Upheaval




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Commotion
Explanation:
Upheaval - a violent or sudden change or disruption to something.
Hence it has similar meaning as that to Commotion.
Commotion - a state of confused and noisy disturbance.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 77 to 76
77. Which of the following can be most suited as the appropriate label of the passage?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:Dispelling the Water War Myth
Explanation:
The appropriate label of the passage is 'Dispelling the Water War Myth'.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 78 to 77
78. What do the statistical analyses and findings of the risk of water related conflicts mean for future?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:All (a),(b) and (c)
Explanation:
By referring the third paragraph, 'The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries.'
Hence, all three are the factors.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 79 to 78
79. What types of disputes has author mentioned in the passage that have taken place due to the water shortages?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:All (a),(b) and (c)
Explanation:
By referring the second paragraph, 'Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water — but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common.'
Hence, (a), (b) and (c) are types of disputes mentioned in the paragraph.
Workspace



Directions: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

Humans need water. If it is in short supply, conflicts can arise. Contrary to popular belief; however, these types of conflicts almost never lead to war, but rather to cooperation. Fresh water is one of the most precious of natural resources. Water is available in huge quantities throughout the world, but scarcities can arise on a local level, since rainfall, natural water reservoirs, and demand create an uneven distribution across the globe. A shortage of water can cause conflicting needs to emerge within and between countries. As early as 200 years ago, in the face of a growing population, the English political economist and demographer Thomas Malthus warned against resource scarcity and the potential for resulting social upheaval. Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term "water war" has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers. In recent years, there has been a boom in assertions like these, as part of the discourse around climate change.

Research on this subject has contributed significantly to bringing such assertions back to reality. Statistical analyses of international and civil wars show that water scarcity is not a relevant variable for predicting this extreme form of conflict. Several research groups have also examined the scale of conflict and cooperation over water resources on an international and national level. Studies such as these analyze a vast number of worldwide media reports. The single most important conclusion is that social and political interactions around water resources adhere to a kind of normal distribution. Water conflicts that are fought out violently are extremely rare. Power struggles and politics have led to overt and institutionalized conflict over water - but no armed conflict, as there is over borders and statehood. No international or domestic water wars were observed in the available data dating back to the 1940s.On the other hand, water conflicts in the form of verbal disputes are relatively common. More common, however, are interactions of a cooperative nature. In other words, water scarcity more often leads to cooperation than to conflict.

The factors determining the risk of water-related conflicts have not yet been conclusively identified, though we know that the most important predictors are likely to include: political conflicts over problems that have nothing to do with water; large development gaps within and between countries; and missing or underdeveloped institutions in the water sector within and between countries. Even if water conflicts have so far, almost never resulted in armed conflicts, could acute water shortages resulting from massive climatic changes not lead to violent disputes about water in the future? This is of course conceivable in principle, but this is rather unlikely. In the vast majority of cases, the cost of armed conflict will be considerably higher than the cost of solutions reached at the negotiating table. It is important that the popular myth of water wars somehow be dispelled once and for all. This will not only stop unsettling and incorrect predictions of international conflict over water. It will also discourage a certain public resignation that climate change will bring war, and focus attention instead on what politicians can do to avoid it: most importantly, improve the conditions of trade for developing countries to strengthen their economies. And it would help to convince water engineers and managers, who still tend to see water shortages in terms of local supply and demand, that the solutions to water scarcity and security lie outside the water sector in the water/food/trade/economic development nexus. It would be great if we could unclog our stream of thought about the misleading notions of ‘water wars’.

Water management will need to adapt but the mechanisms of trade, international agreements and economic development that currently ease water shortages will persist. Instead of falling for the water war myth, it would make more sense for affected populations and their policy makers to consider research findings such as the ones referred to above to work out what is politically feasible in the short to medium term and to act accordingly. On the one hand, this means creating institutional conditions that are able to handle conflicts of interest and resolve domestic and international disputes over increasingly scarce water in an orderly and non-violent manner. Another feasible strategy is to use water resources more efficiently. This is particularly important, since a number of studies show that local overexploitation is in most cases a far more significant cause of water scarcity than climate change. UNESCO’s World Water Development Reports, for example, identify many possibilities for using water more efficiently, while access to technological innovation in poorer countries continues to play an important role.

Refer the above for the Questions 80 to 79
80. Why has the term 'water wars' been used extensively in the statements by policy makers and science books?




SHOW ANSWER
Correct Ans:As the ever increasing over-exploitation of water would lead to massive conflicts and wars.
Explanation:
By referring first paragraph, 'Especially from the 1970s onwards, this gave rise to the argument that the ever-increasing overexploitation of natural resources, above all water, would ultimately lead to massive conflicts and even wars. This is why the term “water wars” has come into widespread use in books, popular science texts, and statements by policy makers.'
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